This edited volume documents discussions held in the context of the 2018 Gulf Research Meeting held by the Gulf Research Center at the University of Cambridge (UK). It starts from the acknowledgment that there is no widely accepted definition and measure of sustainability. All authors however try to capture not only political and economic factors, but also social and cultural influences on economic reform in GCC countries. While authors have argued in total autonomy from each other and some divergent opinions remain, the thrust of the book is to conclude that some GCC economies have made significant progress toward diversification, reducing exclusive reliance on oil with respect to both composition of GDP and exports. This book also investigates a number of pronounced economic sustainability challenges in the Gulf’s oil producers, in terms of not only the threats to fiscal balances, but also the nationalization and privatization of labor markets, environmental pressures on GCC countries and soaring income inequalities within Gulf countries. This edited volume has four parts, discussing various facets of economic sustainability. In a first part, authors provide a holistic discussion of current trends in, and projections about, the sustainability of oil economies in the Gulf. The second part of this edited volume discusses trends in fiscal sustainability, given the quest, and need, of governments in the Gulf to diversify not just the economy, but especially their revenue base. These chapters also tie in fiscal reforms to the goal of Gulf economies to diversify and to adjust labor market structures. The third part addresses labor market policies and labor market reforms. The fourth part discusses strategies of oil economies toward international climate action
This book examines the foreign policies of the GCC countries six years after the Arab uprisings, in terms of drivers, narratives, actions and outcomes, paying particular attention to Middle Eastern countries, Iran and Western international powers. The assessment focuses on current affairs, but also contributes to establishing a productive link between empirical studies and the existing theoretical frameworks that help explain the increasing foreign policy activism of the GCC countries. All in all, the articles collected in this book shed light on and provide a more solid and fine-grained understanding of how regional powers like Saudi Arabia, as well as the other smaller GCC countries, act and pursue their interests in an environment full of uncertainty, in the context of changing regional and global dynamics and power distribution. The book brings together the articles published in a Special Issue of the International Spectator
In this edited volume, academics and practitioners from various disciplines investigate the challenges, opportunities and frameworks in the implementation of Smart Cities in the Gulf. The volume presents insightful analyses and identifies key lessons learned through case studies covering four main themes, including: smart city frameworks and governance, resources and infrastructure, information and communication technologies, and the social perspective. In doing so, the book provides policy recommendations related to smart governance, as well as overall frameworks that cities can adopt in their process of transition, and knowledge that is integral to bridge the gap between various stakeholders in the Smart City milieu. This edited volume comprises extended versions of papers presented at a workshop titled “Smart Cities in the GCC: Current State, Opportunities and Challenges” held at the 2017 Gulf Research Meeting, which took place at University of Cambridge, UK.
This book examines the relations and image of the Arab Gulf states in the West. It addresses the question of Perception in International Relations and how the Arab States of the Gulf have pursued various endeavours to project themselves into the West. The book chapters generate ideas on how perceptions came about and ways to improve cultural and political realities on the ground in the Arab Gulf States. Thus, it paves the way for a new area of research in the field of Gulf Studies that extends beyond traditional international relations frameworks by weaving elements of intercultural communication into the mix. Recognizing, yet extending beyond, a traditionally realist framework, which had dominated the analysis of Arab Gulf States foreign relations
This volume explores the challenges to diversification in Gulf countries, which can no longer rely on profits from hydrocarbons to fund national expenditures. It elaborates on the problem of weak institutions, lack of coordination between policy makers and executors, limited investment in research and development, and a workforce that is too poorly skilled to compete in the private sector. In addition to analyzing issues in areas such as education, labor, business, and trade, the contributors underscore the importance of using global best practices to overcome fundamental weaknesses in the Gulf Cooperation Council’s economic structure that limit opportunities for economic diversification.
Among the many strategic and economic issues facing the Gulf in the coming years, those relating to the Indian Ocean are set to be among the most challenging. In the re-ordering of global economic and political power which is currently underway, the Indian Ocean constitutes a key arena for regional and global competition and rivalry. With the leading Asian powers playing a more proactive role in the region, sometimes with conflicting ambitions, and the United States intent on maintaining its established maritime hegemony there, the potential dangers for the Gulf states are considerable. Gulf economic interests and perhaps regime stability would be severely affected by conflict. This book contends that the Gulf states need to play an active part in the promotion of Indian Ocean stability and security, working with other Indian Ocean states to develop institutional structures and practices which encourage cooperation and provide avenues for conflict resolution. They have everything to gain from such a strategy. This volume is based on a workshop held at the Gulf Research Meeting organized by the Gulf Research Centre Cambridge in summer 2017.
Several countries in the Middle East, including the United Arab Emirates and kingdom of Saudi Arabia, are in the process of planning, establishing or expanding their nuclear power programs. The official rationale for investing in nuclear energy differs from one country to another, but broadly speaking, it seems to emerge from the need to improve energy security through reducing the reliance on oil and natural gas to generate electricity and desalinated water. This volume aims to examine the challenges as well as the opportunities associated with the deployment of nuclear power in the region. The key focus areas of this book are the economics of nuclear power; nuclear security and potential for regional cooperation; and technology overview.
This volume focuses on the role of the private sector in diversifying the economics of Gulf countries in the post-petrodollar era, when fluctuating and declining oil prices are negatively impacting national expenditures. It explores current policies of countries in the Gulf Cooperation Council and their efforts to shift their economies away from heavy dependence on hydrocarbons. The structural changes will create favorable conditions for the private sector to flourish, shift production dependence from public to private sector, and allow for more efficient resource allocation. Such changes will also allow local banks to provide financial support to small and medium enterprises, boost entrepreneurship for job creation, and strengthen organizational structure and efficiency.
The bitter confrontation between Saudi Arabia and Iran is not only stoking conflicts in Syria, Iraq and Yemen, but now threatens the stability, security and well-being of the whole Gulf region. All the major global powers have significant interests in this area, and the pursuit of these interests adds further layers of division and conflict. This book goes to the heart of this issue, examining the critical modalities whereby the “Gulf Cold War” can be brought to an end. What is needed, the contributors argue, is the creation of a security community among the states of the Gulf. The processes through which this could be achieved are carefully examined. All those interested in the future and well-being of the Gulf region should give consideration to the perspectives advanced. This volume is based on a workshop held at the Gulf Research Meeting organized by the Gulf Research Center Cambridge in summer 2016.
As governments across the GCC strive to implement labour policies which accelerate the transition to “post oil” knowledgebased economies, this volume provides insights into the size of this challenge, along with analysis of progress to date. With a comprehensive coverage of the region (each GCC member is included in some respect), this new work provides unique insights into how the domestic policy agenda is shifting the region’s moribund labour markets inexorably towards greater productivity, positivity, sustainability and efficiency. This volume is based on a workshop held at the Gulf Research Meeting organized by the Gulf Research Center Cambridge in summer 2016.
Yemen is the only state on the Arabian Peninsula that is not a member of the GCC (Gulf Cooperation Council). It is also the only local state not ruled by a royal family. Relations between Yemen and the GCC states go back for centuries with some tribes in Saudi Arabia, Kuwait, Qatar, the United Arab Emirates and Oman tracing genealogy back to ancient Yemen. In this timely volume six scholars analyze Yemen’s relations with Saudi Arabia, the United Arab Emirates, Oman and Iran with a focus on recent developments, including the conflict after the fall of Ali Abdullah Salih in Yemen. This volume is based on a workshop held at the Gulf Research Meeting organized by the Gulf Research Center Cambridge in summer 2016.
Sustainability is a topic of great interest today, particularly for the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) countries, which have witnessed very rapid economic and demographic growth over the past decade. The observed growth has led to unsustainable consumption patterns of vital resources such as water, energy, and food, highlighting the need for an urgent shift towards green growth and sustainable development strategies. Sustainability in the Gulf covers the region’s contemporary development challenges through the lens of the UN’s Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs), which place sustainability at the centre of the solution to the current environmental, economic, and social imbalances facing GCC countries. The book presents multiple analyses of Gulf-specific sustainability topics, examining the current status, challenges, and opportunities, as well as identifying key lesssons learned. Innovative and practical policy recommendations are provided, as well as new conceptual angles to the evolving academic debates on the post-oil era in the Gulf. Through chapters covering sector-related studies, as well as the socio-economic dimensions of the sustainability paradigm, this volume offers valuable insights into current research efforts made by the GCC states, proposing a way forward based on lessons learned.
The Gulf States are among the most sought-after destinations by global migrants. Part of this migration is irregular, due to five main causes: entering with no proper visa; overstaying once a visa or residence permit has expired; being employed by someone who is not the sponsor; absconding from a sponsor; and being born in the Gulf to parents with an irregular status. The treatment reserved for migrants in an irregular situation marks out the Gulf States. Arrest and detention are widespread practices in spite of constitutional guarantees against arbitrary imprisonment. Staying without a proper visa or absconding from a sponsor is regarded as a criminal act, and foreign nationals who commit such acts are detained in the same prisons as common law criminals with no clear right of recourse. Domestic workers, most of whom are women employed by private households and, therefore, not protected by labour laws which in the Gulf apply only to businesses, are particularly subject to arbitrary sanctions and jail. Lived experiences suggest that migrants may not see their irregular status as being disastrous. Many, in fact, are willing to perpetuate this situation, despite their awareness about possible arrest, jail term, and deportation. A theme that emerges repeatedly in interviews indicates the lack of options open to migrants elsewhere, including their country of origin. Migrants in an irregular situation learn to negotiate the formal and informal spaces and systems they encounter. They have specific goals they want to achieve during their Gulf stay, whatever the cost. Education of their children and building a house in the origin country are paramount among these goals. Most irregular migrants seem to share one characteristic: resilience. As their stay in the Gulf lengthens, they gather enough capacity to exercise their agency to achieve a skilful survival in the face of adversity. A wide-ranging system of mutual benefits constituting win-win situations for varied actors enables and perpetuates irregular migration. The volume has 15 original contributions and is freely available from the GRC and the GLMM websites.
This volume examines the applied and theoretical frames of reference that operate in the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) and probes the relevant aspects of scale, proportion, and the grounding of education in the Gulf region. The five papers included in this volume discuss elements of policy and curriculum, teachers and teacher identity, students and student identity, and social conditions that affect teaching and learning in the 21st century in the GCC states. Together, these papers raise and discuss issues of critical importance as we plan for education in the GCC for the 21st century.
Small states are often believed to have been resigned to the margins of international politics. However, the recent increase in the number of small states has increased their influence and forced the international community to incorporate some of them into the global governance system. This is particularly evident in the Middle East where small Gulf States have played an important role in the changing dynamics of the region in the last decade. The Small Gulf States analyses the evolution of these states’ foreign and security policies since the Arab Spring. With particular focus on Oman, Qatar and the United Arab Emirates, it explores how these states have been successful in not only guaranteeing their survival, but also in increasing their influence in the region. It then discusses the security dilemmas small states face, and suggests a multitude of foreign and security policy options, ranging from autonomy to influence, in order to deal with this. The book also looks at the influence of regional and international actors on the policies of these countries. It concludes with a discussion of the peculiarities and contributions of the Gulf states for the study of small states’ foreign and security policies in general. Providing a comprehensive and up-to-date analysis of the unique foreign and security policies of the states of the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) before and after the Arab Spring, this book will be a valuable resource for students and scholars of Middle East studies, foreign policy and international relations.
The Arab states of the Gulf, currently heavily reliant on oil and gas exports, have stated their intention to promote economic diversification and have embarked on reforming existing institutions for higher education, scientific research, and technology innovation. The region has witnessed huge population growth in recent decades, and in some cases (e.g. Saudi Arabia) almost half the population is under the age of twenty-five and in need of access to quality education and meaningful employment opportunities. This book provides an in-depth discussion of what is needed to accelerate the development of science, technology and innovation in the Gulf. Among other issues, the authors discuss the need for regional collaboration, and tackle systemic challenges such as immigration policies, career incentives for GCC citizens, and increased inclusion of women in the workforce.
Egypt continues to be cultural and political beacon in the Middle East. Its control of the Suez Canal, cold peace with Israel, concern about Gaza, mediation and interest in the Israel-Palestine conflict, and the marginalization of the Muslim Brotherhood are all points of significance. There is a close, and expanding, defence and security relationship between Egypt and the GCC states, most evident in the inclusion of Egypt in Saudi Arabia’s new Sunni counter-terrorism alliance. The authors of this book contextualise historical linkages, and allies add to this the real postures (especially contentious relations with Qatar and Turkey) and study Egypt’s strategic relations with Saudi Arabia, Kuwait and the UAE in particular. The book’s main argument derives from a complex web of political, socio-economic and military issues in a changing regional and international system. It states that the Egyptian regional policy under Sisi will generally remain consistent with existing parameters (such as broad counter-terrorism efforts, including against the Muslim brotherhood). There is strong evidence to support the idea that Cairo wishes to maintain a GCC-first policy
Over the last half-century, the GCC states have invested on a huge scale in higher education, but the stated commitment to internationally recognized excellence has also to come to terms with tradition. These pressure points are examined here in a number of comparative studies, and cover among other topics: - higher education as soft power to promote regional or global influence - intense reliance on foreign instructors - citizen entitlements - badu and hadar divisions - gender separation- different visions of language of instruction - marginalization of foreign students and faculty outside work - branch campuses of foreign universities Despite efforts to train and employ nationals, the vast majority of health workers remain non-local, and major challenges remain in fields such as science and technology. Expenditure has not always led to the effective reform of underperforming educational systems, and institutions often fall short of their world-class aspirations. The studies in this book explore ways of making institutions better realise the balance between global and local.
This Special Issue examines the foreign policies of the GCC countries six years after the Arab uprisings in terms of drivers, narratives, actions and outcomes, paying particular attention to Middle Eastern countries, Iran and Western international powers. The assessment focuses on current affairs, but also contributes to establishing a productive link between empirical studies and the existing theoretical frameworks that help explain the increasing foreign policy activism of the GCC countries. All in all, the articles collected in this Special Issue shed light on and provide a more solid and fine-grained understanding of how regional powers like Saudi Arabia, as well as the other smaller GCC countries, act and pursue their interests in an environment full of uncertainty, in the context of changing regional and global dynamics and power distribution. The Special Issue brings together a selection of articles originally presented and discussed at the Seventh Gulf Research Meeting (GRM) organised by the Gulf Research Centre Cambridge at the University of Cambridge on 16-19 August 2016.
In the last few years, there has been a substantial increase in trade and investment between Latin America and the Gulf region as well as the opening of new embassies among these countries, a trend that started in the second half of the last decade. Besides the diverse encounters at the official level through the Arab South American Summits, an increasing number of non-state actors are participating in the growing exchange between these regions, reflecting a renewed interest in enhancing cooperation beyond the government level. This book describes how non-state actors are able to create avenues of participation to bring the GCCcountries and Latin America closer. By examining the different types of actors and issues involved in the increasing exchange, this volume provides anoverview ofone important aspect of the relations between the two regions and the possibilities to consolidate and expand cooperation. Regarding cultural and educational activities which aim to bring the societies of the two regions closer, the bookdescribes the role played by regional organizations, besides the cultural and trade exchange in terms of the art market. In trade and investment, the impact of the relationship between the state and the growing businessmen networks is assessed. Further, the cooperation between the private sector, foreign investors, and the state and its effect on liberalization policies in Latin America is weighed as an opportunity to apply to the GCC economies. At the level of society and the role played by the Muslim/Arab communities in Latin America, thisbooklooks at their transnational links as well astheir influence in the foreign policies of the Latin American countries towards the Gulf region, besides their input in the formation of identities across the regions. This volume offers a non-traditional view focusing on specific actors and issues in the evolving relationship between the Gulf and Latin America, thus providing an understanding of the possibilities and obstacles in the relationship.
How the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) relates to BRICS (Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa) is, in the light of the growing strength and importance of this organisation in the countries which comprise it, of critical importance. The GCC countries have fastgrowing economies, and they share some of the attributes and concerns of BRICS countries. The objective of this book is to examine the commonalities and the differences in economic and political interest between the BRICS countries and the GCC countries, so as to assess the potential for cooperation and collective action. Whether the GCC could itself become a part of BRICS is also worth consideration. While the focus is on the GCC, the GCC’s relations with the BRICS countries have been, and will continue to be, closely affected by the wider Gulf dimension – the state of their relations with Iran and Iraq, and the manner in which the BRICS countries relate to those two countries.
Traditionally the Middle East is considered a region so complex that it does not allow a clear political narrative on its political and strategic priorities: it is an explication but also an excuse for short sighted crisis management and inaction. This conference, where the NATO Defense College Foundation has brought together an exceptional array of regional practitioners in a very critical period of the region, has dispelled this and other myths.
The Gulf is in the first rank of potential global flashpoints. It is the largest market for weapons imports in the world and is considered to be a vital interest of all the great powers. Ran is viewed as an expansionist threat by Arab states of the Gulf, who have built considerable militaries in a historically short timeframe. Security in the Gulf, however, is a complicated matter. The Arab states of the Gulf have pursued different defense policies, as well as different ways of building up their forces. In some instances, the establishment of a strong military is not just a way to ensure security, but also a way to build a national identity. In other cases, great powers (such as the United States) seek to promote cooperation between the Arab Gulf militaries as an interim step to promote political reform and integration.
GCC-Iran relations are at the heart of important political dynamics in the Middle East today. This is not limited to the ongoing disputes in the Gulf, one of the most important strategic locations globally. Iran and the GCC states also find themselves on opposing sides in the Syrian and to some extend the Iraqi conflicts. This volume traces the origins of the troubled relations between Iran and the majority of the GCC monarchies. It discusses not only geostrategic rivalries, but also matters of identity which have been of increased importance since 2010. While important differences are noticeable among the GCC monarchies in regard to their willingness to engage Iran, the difficult relationship between Saudi Arabia and Iran puts a strain on the possibilities for engagement between Iran and the GCC as a whole.
The Cooperation Council for the Arab States of the Gulf, also known as the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC), represents one of the most urbanized regions in the world, with an estimated 70 percent of the population residing in cities. The GCC states have adopted strategies to balance growth and shift dependence on oil. Architecture and urbanism are seen as dynamic facilitators and flexible commodities in the network of transnational urbanisms and global capitalist forces. Cities in this region are shaped by various forces: historical, geopolitical, demographic, and topographical contexts as well as by large influxes of investments and workforce. These cities now shape 21st century urban concepts. This volume is an exploration of specific Gulf cities as interfaces. Twenty first century cities continue to act as interfaces not only as physical spaces but also as evolving machinery and tools of capital. From food urbanism and edible landscape to modernist ideals, grandiose visions, and new orientalism's, the papers in this volume address and investigate the city in four variances: Urbanism and Identity as Interface; Landscape and Geography as Interface; Social Condition and History as Interface; and Culture and Politics as Interface
The most widespread representation of the Gulf depicts megastructures and a network of infrastructural landscapes organized within a highly visualized urban environment. The Gulf city aspires to compete in a global market and tends to accentuate its symbolic economies making use of arts and signature architectural projects to promote its image. In this process, it works through identity negotiation between a capitalist super-modern tendency and Arab Islamic conservatism. Dubai is a good reflection of this archetype. Yet beneath this image, there exist countless narratives that are inherently integrated within regional visual practices: the particularities and cultural limitations of visual territories, local ways of seeing, imagery production, display and visualism, as well as ocular perceptions of the city and issues of physiognomy of form in urban morphology. This book is about the visual turn in the Gulf. It traces image production and consumption and examines the existing visual landscape in the region. Writings examine the wealth of visual culture(s) in the Gulf in order to explore how meaning is both made and transmitted in an increasingly visual world. Seven chapters draw together writings on the relationship between cultural production, visual practices, and the politics of representation while ultimately arguing for a multidimensional reality in the cultural production of the Gulf region. Authors depart from various theoretical perspectives on iconology, museology, urban morphology, globalization, post-colonial narratives, feminist critique, transnational cultural shifts, and identity politics.
Gulf region’s relations with the outside world are changing radically. The Gulf’s major trading partners are now no longer predominantly Western. China, in particular, now has a significant stake and highly critical interests in the region. The United States still dominates the security field, yet its Gulf allies have come to doubt the strength of US commitment. Meanwhile the Arab monarchies of the Gulf are struggling to cope with multiple divisions, problems and threats: the radical forces of change unleashed by the Arab Spring, the rising power of ISIS, and the destabilising impact of their unsettled relations with Iran. This book examines the range of security issues which this situation has given rise to: the nature and scope of US power, and the likely directions of future policy; the options open to Asian powers with interests in the region; the concerns, strategies and dynamics of the regional states; and the feasibility of European states assuming a security role in the region.
The ties that bind Africa and the Gulf region have deep historical roots that influence both what Braudel called the longue durée and the short-term events of current policy shifts, market-based economic fluctuations, and global and local political vicissitudes. This book, a collaboration of historians, political scientists, development planners, and a biomedical engineer, explores Arabian- African relationships in their many overlapping dimensions. Thus histories constructed from the “bottom up” – records of the everyday activities of commerce, intermarriage, and gender roles – offer an incisive complement to the “top down” histories of dynasties and the elite. Topics such as migration, collective memory, scriptural and oral narratives, and contemporary notions of food security and “soft” power pose new questions about the ties that bind Africa to the Gulf. This volume is based on a workshop held at the 5th Gulf Research Meeting organized by the Gulf Research Center Cambridge in summer 2014.
As Yemenis start planning the reconstruction and rebuilding of their country after recent turmoil they face huge challenges in every major sphere. This book discusses the political and economic background and analyses the most important issues: - the option of improved governance through a federal government - addressing the powerful and patronage networks of the previous regime - investing in Yemen’s human and natural resources to compensate for falling revenues from oil and gas - maintaining rural life through reduced dependence on irrigated agriculture and investing in enhancing rain fed agriculture - addressing the issue of urban water shortage through desalination - involving women in enhancing security This volume is based on a workshop held at the 5th Gulf Research Meeting organized by the Gulf Research Center Cambridge in summer 2014.
This volume surveys the increasing challenges facing the Arab Gulf states in terms of sustainable consumption and production. Topics include: - Environmental sustainability: waste, recycling, water, energy, renewables, and pollution - Economic sustainability: employment, education, training and business engagement - Social sustainability: equality and diversity, pollution, congestion, community participation Includes contributions from specialists from the UAE, Bahrain, Lebanon, Egypt, Oman, Saudi Arabia, Morocco and Qatar as well as from the US and the UK. This volume is based on a workshop held at the 5th Gulf Research Meeting organized by the Gulf Research Center Cambridge in summer 2014.
Extreme fluctuations in oil prices (such as the dramatic fall from mid-2014 into 2015) raise important strategic questions for both importers and exporters. In this volume, specialists from the US, the Middle East, Europe and Asia examine the rapidly evolving dynamic in the energy landscape, including renewable and nuclear power, challenges to producers including the shale revolution, and legal issues. Each chapter provides in-depth analysis and clear policy recommendations. This volume is based on a workshop held at the 5th Gulf Research Meeting organized by the Gulf Research Center Cambridge in summer 2014.
Filling a void in academic and policy-relevant literature on the topic of the green economy in the Arabian Gulf, this edited volume provides a multidisciplinary analysis of the key themes and challenges relating to the green economy in the region, including in the energy and water sectors and the urban environment, as well as with respect to cross-cutting issues, such as labour, intellectual property and South-South cooperation. Over the course of the book, academics and practitioners from various fields demonstrate why transitioning into a ‘green economy’ – a future economy based on environmental sustainability, social equity and improved well-being – is not an option but a necessity for the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) States. Through chapters covering key economic sectors and cross-cutting issues, the book examines the GCC states’ quest to align their economies and economic development with the imperatives of environmental sustainability and social welfare, and proposes a way forward, based on lessons learned from experiences in the region and beyond. This volume will be of great relevance to scholars and policy makers with an interest in environmental economics and policy.
The notion of “rentier mentality” has haunted the literature on the Gulf States for almost 40 years now. However, few studies have actually provided insight into how the Nationals themselves perceive their career motivators, employability and productivity. The eleven studies of this book present both empirical findings and case studies that reveal what nationals expect from their workplace and what hinders them from a personal, meaningful contribution. While it seems that an initially high work motivation is often annihilated by structural impediments such as a strong hierarchy or widespread wasta, it also seems that many national fail to understand the urgent requirements of the GCC labour markets.
In 2008, Turkey became the first country outside the Gulf to be given the status of strategic partner of the GCC. This was a turning point in Turkey-GCC relations as, for long, Turkey’s relations with the region had been quite weak, and the two sides had not spent much effort to revive trust-based mutual relations since the Ottoman period. Since 2008, relations have improved in an unprecedented way. The signing of a Memorandum of Understanding in Jeddah in December 2011 laid the foundation of a regular dialogue at the ministerial level, while Turkey’s trade volumes with the Gulf monarchies reached $19.6 billion in 2012. What explains these remarkable changes? What can be done to encourage exchange of technical expertise and information, improve economic relations, and initiate negotiations to establish free trade zones? The contributions in this volume address these questions and evaluate the historical, cultural, economic, and political reasons for the improving GCC-Turkey ties with a special emphasis on changing security perceptions after the start of the Arab Spring, and specifically the Syrian civil war. They explore the potential areas for further cooperation and the impact of economic interdependence, cultural interactions, and power balances on the evolving relationship between the two sides. To sum up, this timely book provides comprehensive assessments from a well-informed multinational group of authors, thus making an interdisciplinary contribution to the existing literature on GCC-Turkey relations.
This collection of new research brings together state of the art thinking by 45 experts from academia and business on all key aspects of Islamic Finance. Individual volumes deal with the key issues of: Political Economy, Values and Innovation; Risk, Stabilty and Growth; and Performance and Efficiency. Islamic Finance has had a transformational impact on markets well beyond the Muslim world. This development has been the outcome of various stakeholders and agencies interacting to develop a political economy based on Islamic values to generate religiously and culturally authentic financial institutions and instruments. The studies presented in these volumes discuss such interactions through specific examples from the GCC countries supported by comparative perspectives in order to articulate the development and consequences of Islamic Finance.
This volume includes a range of topics addressing aspects of the current status of intellectual property (IP) protection regimes in the Gulf Cooperation Council and its individual member states, and aspiring GCC members Jordan and Yemen. It examines the opportunities and challenges facing the GCC in becoming a real union with common, or at least harmonized, IP laws and regulations, while still allowing flexibility for domestic imperatives and interests. IP is a crucial part of commercial and trade activity which the GCC needs to address as a union to maximize outcomes and benefits for the GCC members collectively and individually. Contributions represent a broad-based and truly international interest in Gulf IP, with authors from Australia, Bahrain, China, Egypt, Indonesia, Jordan, Oman, Qatar, Saudi Arabia, and the United Arab Emirates. The volume provides a catalyst for further deliberation and debate on these above issues and other Gulf-related IP issues, as well as a worthy contribution to the expansion of Gulf studies in the broader context.
Following the Arab Spring, the use of social media has become instrumental in organising activist movements and spreading political dissent in the Middle East. New online behaviours have transformed traditional communication channels, enabling young people of all backgrounds to feel politically empowered. But now that spring has turned to winter, what are the long-term implications of internet activism in the region? Social Media in the Arab World provides a unique insight into the role of online communications as a force for change in the Gulf States. Featuring examples as diverse as neo-patrimonial politics in Saudi Arabia and the ways an online presence affects the status of women in Kuwait, the chapters examine shifts in the political, social and religious identities of citizens as a result of increased digital activism. With contributions from a variety of inter-disciplinary experts, this wide-ranging study examines the consequences of changing power dynamics brought about by popular social media. In doing so, this book offers an original perspective on the long-term implications of internet usage in the Arab world and is essential reading for students and researchers working across the region.
This volume contains the contributions to the Gulf Research Center workshop entitled: “Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) Relations with Post-War Iraq: A Strategic Perspective,” held during the July 2013 Gulf Research Meeting in Cambridge, UK. The papers examine the history and future of the often fractious relationship between Iraq and the GCC countries. The backdrop is the US dominance of security arrangements in the Arabian Gulf region for most of the post-war period. Prior to the new millennium, the region’s major security threat was perceived to be the mounting rivalry between a GCC-US camp on the one hand and an Iranian camp on the other. Some semblance of equilibrium had been achieved through the late 1990s, but the US invasion of Iraq in 2003 created new fault lines. In the invasion’s aftermath, regional peace was maintained by the overwhelming presence of US troops both in Iraq and in the GCC more generally. The 2011 withdrawal of US troops from Iraq plunged the region into a state of disequilibrium, and current developments suggest a trajectory of mounting instability. The volume’s contributions explore the underlying reasons for the region’s instability from a variety of perspectives and with an emphasis on the GCC’s relationship with Iraq. Topics covered include: Iraq’s federal architecture, the highly controversial role of Iran, the effects of regional sectarianism, the possibility of Iraq becoming a member of the GCC, the impact of Chinese oil demand, the evolving nature of US regional military deployments, and the expanding use of social media by religious clerics. The volume’s goal is to produce operational recommendations for senior government figures. To that end, each author provides two lists of recommendations for improving the region’s stability: one targeting GCC policymakers and the other targeting their Iraqi counterparts. There is a strong consensus concerning the need for a more inclusive and multilateral approach to regional security, and for any such approach to be spearheaded by the region’s principle stakeholders: Iraq, Iran and the GCC countries themselves. However, the precise nature of a potentially successful common security strategy remains an area of considerable controversy.
Housing is what creates and defines cities, and affordable housing is what makes successful and scalable cities. Indeed, housing is the spatial expression of a society’s values and morality, and of its commitment to an inclusive society. In the Gulf region, characterized by rapid urbanization and astonishing transformation over the last two decades, housing is absolutely urgent as a national priority. In the twenty-first century, nations will compete economically based on the effectiveness and efficiency of their cities, which throughout history have been the engines of ideas, innovation, and wealth creation. As nations urbanize, and even more as they become progressively wealthier, housing rises as a national policy priority, because housing quality, availability, and affordability are all matters in the national economic and political interest. The inescapable gravity of land-use economics means that as a nation’s cities become engines of wealth generation, housing cost rises even as the definition of ‘market quality’ is likewise rising. The result is that affordable housing is always a national imperative, because below-market-income people can never afford market quality housing. The Gulf region has an unusually large number of factors that make the emergence and development of quality affordable housing a challenge without obvious parallels or examples elsewhere in the world. As a result, the region presents a set of housing and affordable housing delivery challenges unique in their own right. These challenges will require solutions based on innovation in both the private and public sectors.
The Gulf region’s primary economic relationships are rapidly shifting from West to East. Relations with China, Japan and South Korea are becoming increasingly strategic in nature: based on a degree of mutual dependence far greater than is present in Gulf-Western relations. The balance of global politics will be critically affected by this powerful emerging relationship. This book provides documentation of the trend and examines some of the political and strategic issues which follow from it.
This book examines the strategies and dynamics through which state-society relations in the Arab Gulf region have been cultivated, and explores the alternative political, social, economic and popular changes that threaten these relations. The work focuses on understanding how state sovereignty has been shifting to accommodate internal social, cultural, and intellectual forces and how these forces have managed to balance social and political powers in order to function within and co-exist alongside the state. Case-studies give specific examples of how social forces, popular movements, social media and youth culture are actively influencing cultural attitudes and practices as well as political actions.
This volume presents the outcome of an Agriculture Workshop organized by the Gulf Research Centre Cambridge (GRCC), and held at Cambridge University, UK during the Gulf Research Meeting 11-14 July 2012. Co-directed by the editors, the workshop, entitled “Environmental Cost and Changing Pace of Agriculture in the Gulf States” was attended by participants from Australia, Bahrain, India, Kuwait, Oman, Saudi Arabia, Turkey, UAE, UK, and Morocco. These scientists, educators, researchers, policy makers and managers share their experience in agriculture in the Gulf States, with the aim of helping to improve agriculture production and thus bridge the gap between local production and the food import. The papers gathered here were presented at the workshop, and have all passed through rigorous peer review by renowned scientists. The diverse papers present various aspects of agriculture production in the evolving face of climate change and dwindling water resources in the region. The book covers topics such as the prospects of agriculture in a changing climate; the potential of climate-smart agriculture; the impact of food prices, income and income distribution on food security; improved efficiency in water use; challenges in using treated wastewater in agriculture; investment in foreign agriculture and agricultural research and development. The papers span the nations of the Gulf Cooperation Council, with speciﬁc case studies set in Oman, Bahrain and Kuwait.
Climate change requires coordinated global responses. All nations, including major Gulf Arab oil producers, should implement policies to contain greenhouse gas (GHG) emissions. Yet all realistic scenarios point to the continuing global need for fossil fuels. The countries of the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) thus face a dilemma between continuing development and use of their fossil fuel endowments and increasing reliance on low carbon sources, such as nuclear, solar or wind. This book edited by Giacomo Luciani and Rabbia Ferroukhi explores various facets of the dilemma. The volume is a product of a workshop held the 2012 Gulf Research Meeting organized by the Gulf Research Center, Cambridge.
This book edited by Ranjit Gupta, Abubaker Bagader, Talmiz Ahmed and N. Janardhan explores how growing economic ties between Asian countries and the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) could impact their future relationship. It postulates that the stage is now set for strategic partnerships and highlights how some Asian countries have been explicit about showcasing their power and influence in the Gulf region. While exploring an alternative and broad-based security architecture, it identifies the challenges that any probable Asian cooperative approach could face as the countries of the Arabian Gulf show signs of looking beyond the United States to develop their long-term strategic interests. The volume is a product of a workshop held the 2012 Gulf Research Meeting organized by the Gulf Research Center, Cambridge.
Gulf Charities and Islamic Philanthropy in the “Age of Terror” and Beyond edited by Robert Lacey and Jonathan Benthall is the first book to be published on the charities of Saudi Arabia and the Arabian Gulf, covering their work both domestically and internationally. From a diversity of viewpoints, the book addresses the historical roots of Islamic philanthropy in religious traditions and geopolitical movements; the interactions of the Gulf charities with “Western” relief and development institutions – now under pressure owing to budgetary constraints; numerous case studies from the Middle East, Africa, and South Asia; the impact of violent extremism on the sector, with the legal repercussions that have followed – especially in the USA; the recent history of attempts to alleviate the obstacles faced by bona fide Islamic charities, whose absence from major conflict zones now leaves a vacuum for extremist groups to penetrate; and the prospects for a less politicized Islamic charity sector when the so-called “war on terror” eventually loses its salience. The volume is a product of a workshop held the 2012 Gulf Research Meeting organized by the Gulf Research Center, Cambridge.
Rather than just stress the present comfort zones, the essence of this book lies in its emphasis on an institutional and practical approach to diversify relations between the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) countries and India beyond the economic realm in future. The prescriptions to realize this from two teams of academic scholars and diplomatic practitioners of the GCC countries and India, who interacted as part of a unique Track 1.5 effort, form the core of the book. Covering the energy, economic, diasporic, political, security, international, social, environmental and cultural dimensions of the relations between the two sides, the chapters outline ways to transform the current engagement into a strategic one. In the process, the book analyzes the ground realities as they are, explores areas to intensify cooperation, identifies obstacles and advocates ways to circumvent them in order to ensure a win-win situation. The fact that the various chapters approach this exercise from different timeframes adds to the novelty of the book. Further, since the effort of all the authors is deliberately geared towards recommending policy-oriented steps to the governments on both sides, it is a treasure trove of workable ideas and options that bears the potential to significantly upgrade GCC-India relations in the short, medium and long terms.
Since the last decade of the 20th century, there has been an increase in South-South trade, which is also reflected in the trade between the Gulf and Latin American countries. While trade between the two sides grew substantially during the last decade, there are also renewed attempts to cooperate in other fields. The opening of embassies in Latin America by the Gulf countries and vice versa in the last few years, direct flights between Brazil, Argentina and Venezuela to some of the capitals of the Gulf region, investments by the United Arab Emirates, Kuwait, Saudi Arabia and Qatar in some Latin American countries and the holding of the Arab-South American Summits starting from 2005, among other exchanges, reveal the growing convergence of interests between these two regions. This book covers, in particular, an aspect that is often neglected in area studies, namely the exchange as a whole between the two regions, since most studies on these regions tend to focus on the interactions with developed countries or emerging economies such as China and Russia. From a historical, economic and politically strategic point of view, the book offers a critical examination of the foreign policies pursued by the Gulf and Latin American countries in the renewed exchange that is taking place now. Attention is given to the importance that both regions place on the elaboration and implementation of their foreign policies as well as the strategies envisaged. From the Gulf perspective, some of the chapters show how Latin America became a part of the Gulf countries’ search for global engagement, as the result of a process emanating from their own internal and regional needs. From the Latin American perspective, the chapters assess the new strategies and interests which guide the development of closer links with the Gulf against the backdrop of the shifts and continuities of their foreign policies. This volume discusses the different perspectives in the evolution of recent interests and issues at stake in this emerging relationship between the Gulf and Latin American countries.
A combination of global political and economic factors helped Asia and the Gulf ‘rediscover’ their ties in the beginning of the 21st century. The Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) countries adopted a ‘Look East’ policy, as a result of which India further consolidated its age-old partnership with the region. Against the backdrop of this renewed ‘East-East camaraderie’, this book explores how growing GCC-India economic ties could impact the future course of their relationship. It postulates that the stage is now set for the construction of a strategic GCC-India partnership, including the evolution of a strategic role for India in the region.
As part of a larger publication entitled "The Uneasy Balance: Potential and Challenges of the West's Relations with the Gulf States" edited by Riccardo Alcaro and Andrea Dessì and published by the Istituto Affari Internazionali (IAI), the chapter entitled "The GCC States and the West: Challenges of Arab Transitions" by Christian Koch is now available for download and further reading. The publication is the result of the fifth edition of the Transatlantic Security Symposium held in Rome on 16 November 2012.
Asia constitutes the hub of the transformation of global economic power today. The Gulf, itself part of Asia, is of increasing importance in this transformation. This book documents the growing interactions between the economies of the Gulf states and those of the rest of Asia. These relationships are critical to how the world economy develops over the next decade, and how economic (and perhaps strategic) power is distributed. This volume, edited by Tim Niblock with Monica Malik, assembles cutting-edge thinking by 16 specialists on a wide variety of topics covering Arab Gulf relations with China, Japan, ASEAN, Korea and India, as well as with Russia, Iran and Turkey. The book is published by Gerlach Press.
The four volumes in this major research collection address the key economic issues which affect the future development and diversification of the member states of the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC), namely Saudi Arabia, Kuwait, Bahrain, Qatar, UAE and Oman. Specifically, this recent research covers: ~ Economic Diversification ~ Development of Global Partnerships ~ Labor Markets and Migration ~ Financial Markets as Global Players The work brings together state-of-the-art analysis by some 40 international scholars who participated in a major joint initiative by the EU and the GCC, the al-Jisr project on EU-GCC Public Diplomacy and Outreach headed by the Gulf Research Center and supported by the European Commission. This collection will prove an essential reference work for policy makers and scholars on all the critical issues facing the Gulf countries as their economies develop beyond dependence on the oil and gas sector and forge new international alliances.
The aim of this book is to help identify the potential role that renewable energy sources (RES) can play in the future energy mix of the GCC countries; it looks closely at the major past and present renewable energy initiatives and policies, as well as industrial and research capabilities in the region, with a specific focus on solar and wind energy technologies. In doing so, this study examines the drivers and requirements for the deployment of these energy sources and their possible integration into sectors as different as electricity generation, water desalination or green building. Illustrated by a wealth of practical cases and studies, and aspiring to be used as a reference book, this study aims to help researchers comprehend the overall capabilities and achievements of the GCC countries in the renewable energy field, so that perspectives on the region’s strategic energy issues are objective and sustainable models are encouraged. Even when topics beyond their fields are discussed, researchers from many diverse fields will find the style to be accessible, while information remains detailed and ‘technical’. The book’s multidisciplinary approach gives voice to all stakeholders without judgment or partisanship, leaving the reader free to form his or her own opinion about the challenges that are at stake, and decide the course of action that is required by the current situation.
In the countries of the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC), an increased need for finance meets underdeveloped capital markets. Ambitious development plans in fields like petrochemicals and infrastructure as well as a rapidly growing population form the backdrop of this scenario. While world capital markets show on average a balanced capital structure of debt securities, stock market capitalization, and bank assets, bond markets in the GCC countries are underdeveloped and the capital mix is heavily skewed towards banks. This book outlines the structure of various segments of GCC financial markets and points to regulatory challenges and possible future developments. The issues range from capital market structures to the planned GCC Monetary Union, Islamic banking, and sovereign wealth funds. In the wake of the global financial crisis and international currency turmoil, financial markets in the GCC countries face particular challenges. This book gives particular attention to the empirical situation on the ground and the institutions involved in the ongoing process of change.
More than two decades after the 1988 EU-GCC Cooperation Agreement, institutional ties between the two blocs have emerged at several levels. On the multilateral level, interactions between the European Commission and the GCC states have taken the relationship forward over the years. Relations have also proceeded similarly at the bilateral level between individual member states. However, the progress has not always been smooth. The issue of a free trade agreement (FTA) has become a sticking point and negotiations are yet to yield a concrete result. Beyond the FTA issue, however, there are several areas such as education, economic governance, Islamic finance, empowerment of women where the EU and the GCC could expand their collaboration. The two sides could also have a closer dialogue on security issues. Besides, civil society organizations in the two regions could further inter-regional cooperation. The papers in this volume examine some of these aspects of GCC-EU relations and suggest ways for a more broad-based and effective collaboration.
The relations between Russia and the Gulf States on the one hand and the CIS and Gulf region on the other form the overarching theme of this book. The Soviet Union exercised an energetic foreign policy towards the Arabian Gulf and the broader Middle East during the late-Cold War period. Following the disintegration of the Soviet state, Moscow’s influence in the region rapidly declined although the Gulf retained a high level of strategic significance for the Kremlin’s foreign policy makers. In recent years, a number of pivotal factors, including international terrorism and Islamic militancy, Russia’s vast expansion in the export of its primary energy commodities to global markets, the international arms trade and nuclear non-proliferation, are all compelling Moscow to commit greater foreign policy resources into engagement with the Gulf region. In this volume, an array of scholars from different disciplines provide their perspectives on contemporary relations and diplomatic engagements between Russia, the CIS and the Gulf region. They examine the political, economic, security and cultural aspects of the relationships to provide a comprehensive overview of the burgeoning ties between the countries of these regions.
Historically, India has maintained close links with the Gulf region. Besides the people-to-people contacts built up over centuries, the trade relationship has also been very strong. Over the last several decades, the Indian workforce has contributed significantly to the development of the Gulf countries. A major economic player in the world today, India is now positioned to play a bigger role in the Gulf. Other than economic issues, security and energy issues too will play a significant role in the India-Gulf relationship. To explore the various aspects of the burgeoning India-Gulf relationship, the Gulf Research Center and The Nixon Center co-hosted a workshop in Dubai titled “India’s Growing Role in the Gulf.” This monograph contains the papers that were presented at the workshop.
This book aims to provide a comprehensive study of the possibility of a relationship between Saudi Arabia, through the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC), and the European Union (EU). Given the high level of common interests between the two actors, it is surprising that forms of international cooperation are not highly developed. To date, there has been very little academic focus on the relationship between Saudi Arabia and the EU. This book examines the obstacles confronting the prospective relationship, as well as the impact of external factors, such as the US, and others, such as 9-11 attacks and the War on Terror. The research is organized thematically and looks at the following issues which have a bearing on the evolving relationship: the security dynamics; cultural and human rights issues; and economy. Besides, a number of key areas are explored that illustrate the fluid dynamics of EU-Saudi relations; these include security, political economy, and political culture. Although the relationship is strong in the area of trade, it is not well developed institutionally, and this does not allow it to become a strategic partnership. This is due to certain major factors, including the cultural differences between the EU (and its member states) and Saudi Arabia, the role played by the US in the Gulf region, and the intergovernmental nature of the GCC which has hampered the institutionalization of EU-GCC relations.
Peaceful transformation of oppressive regimes as they move towards democracy and market economy poses enormous challenges for the citizens and politicians alike. Throughout the world, though with varying degrees and varying levels of success, groups are yearning for reform and democratization of their countries and their economies. But good governance remains the decisive factor in the success or failure of any transformation process. This book is a translation of the third edition of the Bertelsmann Transformation Index which is published biannually, in accordance with the international standard and classification to measure and compare processes of transformation in the world based on detailed reports from almost each country. This Bertelsmann Transformation Index measures in a comprehensive manner the state of democracy and market economy in the world. It provides comprehensive information about the quality of political administrations in 125 developing countries where change has taken place between 2005 and 2007. This Arabic edition also contains an additional section which covers the state of democratic transformation and market economy in some of the GCC countries.
Knowledge diffusion lies at the center of economic growth and development. The diffusion of knowledge takes place in several ways, including through education, R&D, mass media as well as translation. Besides contributing to the spread of knowledge, the translation industry also generates income and jobs. The overall purpose of this book is to estimate the economic importance and performance of the translation industry in five Arab countries, Egypt, Lebanon, Morocco, Saudi Arabia, and Syria, as well as to identify and analyze the main problems that the industry is now facing. The aim is to provide policy makers and business leaders in the Arab region with theoretically sound and evidence-based advice on the issues relating to the translation industry. While the Arabic book translation industry has been an underperformer so far for several reasons, it has great economic potential that could be mobilized systematically in the future. This paper discusses how this can be achieved, based on a well-designed and implemented process of upgrading and innovation in companies, industries, and clusters related to translation activities. Public policy, properly understood and adequately implemented, can play an important role in this process.
This paper analyzes the current aviation boom in the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) countries through the perusal of industry trends, main growth drivers, and innovative policy regimes. The Middle East region in general, and the GCC in particular, is increasingly reshaping the global aviation balance primarily due to headline growth, which continues to surpass global dimensions. Apart from the oil-fuelled economic boom, favorable geographical location, new generation aircraft technology coupled with easing of market access and sophisticated management of the aviation and tourism supply chain by member countries is poised to make GCC an important player in the global aviation market. The near-to-medium term outlook appears to be bullish, but there are critical concerns about overcapacity and intense competition. The GCC has the fast-growing aviation entities of UAE and Qatar, as well as those of large markets like Saudi Arabia which are rapidly catching up. Since the members are at different stages of growth, overall policy making is confined to national priorities. There are no mechanisms to manage competition and sustain growth at the regional level. Therefore, it becomes imperative to institutionalize a functional framework which may be called the GCC Common Civil Aviation Network (GCCAN).
Three concrete areas represent the framework around which the Gulf Research Center and the Istituto Affari Internazionali in cooperation with the Ministry of Foreign Affairs in Italy held a workshop on fostering EU-Italy-GCC Relations. These include EU-GCC cooperation in the context of globalization and regional developments; organizing a regional security system in the Gulf; and the security of European energy. This edited volume which contains some of the papers delivered at the meeting shows that there exists a wide scope for following through on a more ambitious agenda regarding present EU-GCC ties. Specific areas mentioned include cooperation in the development of strategic oil stocks, the improvement of Gulf education systems through EU expertise, and the combination of Gulf investments and EU know-how in the development of the neighboring Mediterranean economies.
The relationship between the member states of the European Union (EU) and those of the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) is multifaceted and has over the years taken on a number of different dimensions. With security issues such as those related to terrorism, the US-led invasion of Iraq and its aftermath, and concern over a potential Iranian nuclear program coming to the forefront, ties between the EU and the GCC have taken on a security component that up to this stage remains largely undefined and understudied. The collection of papers included in this volume highlight many of the different salient issues playing a role on the security front and put forward perspectives under which this new dimension in relations can be better understood. This includes an attempt to move from the currently still vague and largely theoretical notions of GCC-EU security cooperation into more policy applicable and relevant approaches that build on past European experiences. EU GCC Relations and Security Issues extends empirical insight into various aspects of the European approach to the region from a security-based perspective, provides a comparative context into which it becomes possible to frame a more solid base for understanding European policy in the region, and through the use of case examples illustrates how the present cooperation can be expanded and improved upon
GCC environmental action needs to be discussed and critically assessed to bring its pros and cons into focus. This study traces the GCC environmental experience and the member-countries’ attempts to spread environmental awareness at various levels. It outlines the environmental action taken within the GCC states and attempts to connect the recent past, the current challenges and the prospects in the future vis-à-vis this issue. The study, which highlights the overwhelming pace of change in the present world, is concerned with an array of GCC environmental issues, drawing attention to the fact that these issues are not restricted to Gulf States but are shared, in varying degrees, by many parts of the world.
The significance of the Gulf States derives from their vast energy resources and their geographic position in the politically volatile and strategically significant Middle East region. Pakistan’s strategic location in relation to the Middle East, Central Asia, China and India, coupled with it being the only Muslim nuclear power, has added a significant dimension to its ties with the Gulf. The long-standing relations between the Gulf States and Pakistan are multifaceted and encompass political, economic, cultural and security aspects. This edited volume looks at the issues that play a major role in Gulf-Pakistan relations. It covers the historical ties between the regions, political relations in the changing geo-strategic landscape with China and India emerging as Asian giants, economic relations governed by energy, trade and manpower issues, and security ties including defense cooperation, counterterrorism and soft security issues. With eminent commentators and analysts providing well-informed insights on these issues, this book aims to address the dearth of research material on Gulf-Pakistan relations.
This study highlights the Iranian foreign policy from 1979 to 2000, a period in which Iran witnessed three governments that differed in their attitudes towards the GCC countries due to the disparity in the determinants governing these attitudes. It examines the historical environment surrounding this policy and its governing factors, whether regional or international. It also explores the role of ideology, leadership and national interests in shaping the foreign policy of the various Iranian governments starting from the Islamic Revolution in 1979 up to 2000. The study focuses on Iranian foreign policy towards the GCC countries in this period, and sheds light on a number of issues relevant to this policy such as ideology, the Iranian quest for a regional role, borders, security and armament as well as GCC-Iran regional cooperation
Abstract: The international community has received Iran’s efforts to acquire nuclear weapons with great concern since it perceives that such acquisition will lead to dangerous instability in the Gulf region and beyond. There is concern that some countries such as Egypt, Saudi Arabia and Turkey may be tempted to match Iran at least by acquiring similar nuclear fuel production technologies, while other powers may be tempted to strike militarily at Iran...
Though civil society emerged in the GCC only a few years ago, it has attracted noticeable attention from researchers as well as scholars, due to the developments the countries in question underwent towards the end of the twentieth century. This book aims to analyze the significant stages in the emergence of civil society in the GCC as well as the most prominent features that characterize it in the context of the Arabic and English literature on the subject. From a theoretical perspective, the book tries to define and understand the meaning of civil society as well as the way it influences the governmental system and the role it plays in growth, democratic transformation, and political reform.
Since the nineties of the 20th century, the world has witnessed huge strategic, political, economic and scientific changes, which have left their impact on the regional and sub-regional systems in general, and the Gulf region in particular. This region has already witnessed two regional wars, the occupation of an Arab country, as well as social transformations as a result of the economic boom, scientific achievement and external influences. This book aims to analyze the consequences of these international, regional and domestic changes on the Gulf system. In a changing international environment, and with unstable regional and domestically ambiguous conditions, what is the political, economic and social role of the GCC states and what future do they have? In order to deal with the real challenges facing the GCC states as a result of external pressures and increasing domestic demands, the book concludes that the GCC really needs a sort of federal or confederal system, as well as additional political, economic andsocial development, to cope with the international, regional and domestic changes and play an active role in the international system, and so that their citizens achieve the stability, progress and prosperity they aspire for.
This book attempts to analyze the ramifications of the Second and Third Gulf Wars for the security of the GCC states between 1990-2007, by examining various aspects such as the nature of the security challenges, the means and methods of facing these challenges including the defense policies, security strategies and the regional security structure in the Gulf region which emerged during these two wars. The book concludes that the Third Gulf War had the more dangerous security ramifications for the region, because it intensified the challenges faced by the GCC states, both internally – extremism and terrorism – and externally from the regional environment (the unstable chaotic situation in Iraq, the Iranian nuclear program, the unsuccessful effort to settle the Arab-Israel conflict and the tense situation in Lebanon, Sudan and Somalia, as well as the international environment which brought into existence new challenges linked to the US strategy which seeks to restructure the region and impose reforms on the GCC states). As for the way the GCC states reacted to these wars, it seems that their response to the Third War was more sophisticated than it was during the Second, mainly because they had to comply with a domestic, regional and international ambiguous environment. The book concludes that the new regional security structure does not only contradict the interests of the GCC states, but also puts their security at a crossroads.
The integration of the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) countries into the world economy is increasingly multifaceted. Although oil and gas revenues are still of paramount importance, the GCC countries have developed a diversified economic structure with new sectors emerging in the fields of petrochemicals, heavy industries and services. Apart from new import requirements for these industries, the focus of the GCC’s trading relations has moved eastwards. The US only accounts for 10 percent of imports nowadays while the European Union and Asia each roughly contribute one third of overall imports. Furthermore, Asia purchases about two-thirds of GCC energy exports. This has naturally raised questions about potential political realignments although Asia still lags far behind Western markets in terms of cross border investments. Through broad-based strategic analyses and specific sector studies, this edited volume covers various aspects of this ongoing geo-economic positioning, from trade relations, power politics and petrodollar recycling to regional integration, foreign direct investment and labor issues.
This book includes concise reviews of important works that have been published recently, which cover issues in political, strategic, economic and social aspects of International Relations. The book is organized around four main parts. The first part includes reviews of six books including: “New Political Economy”, edited by Anthony Payne, “When States Fail” edited by Robert Rotberg, and “The Breaking of Nations” by Robert Cooper. The second part consists of eight book reviews which cover core themes of International Relations including: “Trust and Mistrust in International Relations” by Andrew Kydd and “Apoligia Politica” by Girma Negash. The third part of the book covers issues of globalization and the impact of globalization on human societies. The fourth part, which comprises nine book reviews, considers aspects of relations between the Middle East and Europe.
Abstract: The geo-strategic location of the GCC States at the crossroads of Asia, Europe and Africa, though advantageous in many ways, exposes them to several disadvantages as well. These states are particularly vulnerable to organized crime syndicates that monopolize narcotics and human trafficking operations, the second and third largest organized crime activities after arms smuggling. The Gulf States are being used as the main transit zone for Afghan narcotics being smuggled to the West and are facing an increasing domestic drug abuse problem. In addition to this, the GCC region is exposed to the growing threat of human trafficking which affects an estimated 700,000-2,000,000 people per year as they are trafficked across state boundaries. There is a misconception that human trafficking is restricted to helpless women and children, but even men are subjected to it. Akin to modern day slavery, human trafficking also includes forced labor and sexual exploitation. Existing counter-trafficking measures, both regional and global, have several shortcomings. In view of the serious security threats posed by narcotics and human trafficking, the GCC states have taken significant measures which are expected to act as an effective deterrent. This study reviews both human and narcotics trafficking in the GCC, and assesses the measures taken at the state and regional levels. It is imperative for the leadership in these states to grasp the extent of this crisis and plan for the negative fallout they are likely to face. The GCC States need to chalk out a strategy at the regional level to address the resulting security implications.
he Gulf region has witnessed rapid socio-economic transformation in the last few decades. These changes have resulted in unprecedented pressures on the environment and natural resources in the Gulf region. To bring about change in any sphere, it is necessary to influence the thinking and action of every section of society. It is, therefore, extremely essential that the youth of today understand, assimilate and demand answers to crucial environmental issues which affect their present, and will drastically impact their future as well. This book contains 10 student papers which were chosen by an international panel of experts based on the abstracts received from university students in the UAE and presented at the Youth Conference on Environment, "Green Gulf: Threats, Challenges and Solutions," organized by the Gulf Research Center, Dubai and TERI (The Energy and Resources Institute), New Delhi in association with American University of Sharjah.
Available literature on the Gulf states’ foreign relations has been saturated with discussions of the political and economic relationship between the region and the United States. However, despite the increasing presence of its citizens in the region, nothing has been written on the growing relationship between the US’ neighbor to the north, Canada, and the Gulf region. Robert Bookmiller details the evolution of Canadian foreign policy in the area, with the aim of filling the gap in literature on the subject. Set against the backdrop of the Arab-Israeli conflict, the oil crisis of the 1970s and the three Gulf Wars, he weaves a history of the establishment of diplomatic ties, the strengthening of economic ties and the discovery of cultural bonds between two entities that have until now been considered entirely unrelated. Through his discussion of policy shifts, watershed events and burgeoning immigration, the author provides insight into Canada’s diplomatic process and ultimately tackles the issue of how to improve relations with a region in which personalities, politics and culture often perplex even the most agile diplomats.
The International Energy Outlook 2006 (IEO 2006) covers international energy projection through 2030, including the word trends in energy demand and consumption in the various residential, commercial, industrial and transportation sectors. The IEO 2006 also discerns the trends of developing non- renewable sources of energy including oil, natural gas and coal, as well as the renewable sources such as the nuclear power, hydropower and solar power. The IEO 2006 also covers the adverse effects on the environment due to the global carbon dioxide emissions. The information on the world energy markets is very important to governments, international agencies, decision makers and researchers. The IEO is prepared by the US Energy Information Administration (EIA) and is translated and published in Arabic by the Gulf Research Center
This book is a compendium of the papers presented at the Social Sciences and Humanities Forum 2005, which addressed "E-Learning in Social Sciences and Humanities" and was organized by the Gulf Research Center in partnership with the Arab Bureau of Education for the Gulf States. The papers address the three principal areas of focus of the Forum: identifying and discussing outstanding e-learning technologies and methods that prevail in international higher educational institutions in the fields of the social sciences and humanities; understanding current conditions in higher education in the fields of social sciences and humanities in the GCC states as they relate to the use of e-learning technologies and methods; and deliberating appropriate ways and means of expanding the use of e-learning technologies and methods in higher education, particularly in social sciences and humanities, in the GCC states.
This is the most extensive annotated bibliography on the subject of Gulf security available. More than 2200 entries cover such subjects as oil security; the Iran-Iraq War; the Iraqi invasion of Kuwait and subsequent Kuwait War; post-1991 policy towards Iraq and the Iraq War; and the involvement of the United States, Soviet Union/Russia, Europe, and China in the Gulf, including their bilateral relations with the Gulf states. Regional disputes and bilateral relations between littoral states are examined, as well as regional responses to security issues. The final section comprises coverage of internal aspects of Gulf security, including resurgent Islamists, Gulf military capabilities and arms transfers, and sections on each of the Gulf states. The text is accompanied by a comprehensive index of personal names and institutions.
The Gulf region has witnessed rapid socio-economic transformation in the last few decades. These changes have resulted in un-precedented pressures on the natural resources and rich terrestrial and marine biodiversity of the region, compounding the stress caused by naturally arid conditions. However, the governments of the Gulf countries have become increasingly conscious of the damage to their natural resources and the remedial measures required to arrest and reverse any adverse trends. This report aims to document the state of the environment and natural resources in the Gulf Cooperation Council countries, namely, Bahrain, Kuwait, Oman, Qatar, Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates. It covers issues related to land resources and terrestrial biodiversity, the coastal environment, and marine biodiversity, water resources, air quality and solid waste management, and seeks to answer the following questions: - What are the trends in the state of the environment and natural resources? - What are the major natural, social and economic drivers of these trends? - What major initiatives have been taken to address these issues, and how can these be strengthened further?
The Gulf Regional Order is made up of seven Arab countries; they include Iraq, Kuwait, Saudi Arabia, Bahrain, Qatar, United Arab Emirates, Oman, in addition to one non-Arab state which is Iran. These eight neighboring Arabian Gulf littoral states, make a unique regional political entity in their external ties and interactions with their immediate environment and beyond. However, despite the vital importance of this region, the outside world knows only quite little about the transformations and successive developments that are currently taking place at all levels within this Gulf Regional Order. This book is an attempt to describe the Gulf Regional Order, the capabilities of its member states, and especially its huge oil and natural resources. Also, the book gives a detailed account of the direct and inherent causes of the recurring conflicts and tensions that took place within the Gulf Regional Order. This region has so far seen three devastating wars during the last thirty years or so; it might as well be on its way towards a fourth one as a result of the growing confrontation between Iran on one side, and the international community on the other side, over the controversial issue of Iranian nuclear program. As the Gulf Regional Order can not be conceived in a vacuum, and considering the fact that it is at the heart of the contemporary transformation processes taking place at the regional and global levels, the book reviews the interrelationship between the Gulf Regional Order and the Arab Regional Order, which constitutes its wider cultural context. The book contains a detailed look at the relationship between this regional order and the United States of America, which is currently occupying one of its constituent States, while being in a virtual state of confrontation with another, and enjoying more influence than ever in regional Gulf affairs.
The early transformation in the international community's stance toward the fundamental developments in the nature of terrorist activities, and the ensuing changes in the strategies of the various organizations sponsoring terrorism, appeared during the last quarter of the 1990s. This transformation was in the form of a major shift from the purely domestic nature of terrorist activities to the new trend of "globalization of terrorism". The initial reaction by the international community towards this shift was the unanimous adoption by the UN Security Council of a series of resolutions on countering terrorism. The ultimate goal was to establish a unified international position on the fight against global terrorism. Since 1999, the UN Security Council adopted a set of resolutions that led to the formation of three major committees whose mandate has been limited to the primary task of taking the necessary measures to counter terrorism at the international level. At the same time, the UN Member states have been given the right to ask for technical assistance from the international community to enable them fulfill their international obligations in this field. That is why country reports have been so designed to become the basic source of reference for monitoring country records in this respect.
Abstract: The task of combating the threat of terrorism is one of paramount importance to the collective security of the Gulf region. In light of the importance of this subject, all the counter-terrorism legislation that has been produced in the GCC countries over the last year has been translated into English for the first time by the Gulf Research Center. The value of this kind of publication and the interest in these laws and treaties are no longer confined to local legal panels in each state but now have a much wider readership and use. The importance of national counter-terrorism legislation is directly linked to the global nature of the task of combating the threat of terrorism which has emerged as an international obligation through several UN Security Council Resolutions. Indeed, the wide and extended powers granted in these counter terrorism laws to the security and legal institutions of each state render them extraordinary legislation with a potentially remarkable impact on individual lives. Terrorism charges can now be directed against any individual, and are no longer restricted to the citizens of the concerned states only. In fact any individual can now be arrested and questioned in many, if not all, parts of the world, accused of terrorist activities in disregard to his nationality or his legal status. Thus these specific kinds of laws now form an integral part of the international legal framework. This publication is concerned with two regional aspects of counter-terrorism legislation. Part one contains the national counter – terrorism laws already enacted and now enforced in certain Gulf states, as in the case of the state of Qatar, the United Arab Emirates , and Iraq, or draft laws now under consideration as in the case of the Kingdom of Bahrain's draft law. Part two lists the full text of regional - or regionally applied treaties which are specifically designed to deal with the new phenomenon of inter-state or non-state terrorist activities with the ultimate aim of establishing an effective system of cooperation and coordination on the regional level. This includes the Gulf Cooperation Council counter- terrorism treaty, The Arab League, and the Islamic Conference Organization.
The Gulf region has witnessed rapid socio-economic transformation in the last few decades. These changes have resulted in unprecedented pressures on the environment and natural resources in the Gulf region. To bring about change in any sphere, it is necessary to influence the thinking and action of every section of society. It is, therefore, extremely essential that the youth of today understand, assimilate and demand answers to crucial environmental issues which affect their present, and will drastically impact their future as well. This book contains 10 student papers which were chosen by an international panel of experts based on the abstracts received from university students in the UAE and presented at the Youth Conference on Environment, "Green Gulf: Threats, Challenges and Solutions," organized by the Gulf Research Center, Dubai and TERI (The Energy and Resources Institute), New Delhi in association with American University of Sharjah.
The threat of the possible proliferation of weapons of mass destruction (WMDS) is a challenge facing the six GCC states. However, the real use of WMDS (nuclear, chemical and biological) is a rare incident in regional and international conflicts. Registered cases in which these weapons were used in battle zones, have proved the lethal impact of these horrible weapons, and their propensity to inflict random destruction and mass killing of civilian populations, failing to differentiate between combat personnel and innocent civilians. In addition, these weapons bring devastating damages for the environment in the long range. This was clearly demonstrated by a dozen of cases of incidental leakages, spills or sudden explosions in facilities manufacturing weapons of mass destruction. Today, areas which have been declared as nuclear-free zones represent almost half the size of the globe. Countries that have already signed the non-proliferation treaty (NPT) have reached 113 members of the United Nations, representing four populous geographical blocs, whose leaders were wise enough to take courageous steps of compromises, forgo narrow interests and reach an international agreement to declare their regions as nuclear – free zones. This book is an attempt to explore the possibilities of building upon the successful experiences of other nations in the field of nuclear – free zones, and work out a framework by which the Gulf region, in its wider geopolitical sense of nine countries, could be made a nuclear – free zone, and a region that is totally free of the lethal weapons of mass destruction.
This collection of ten essays adds a new and original perspective to the debate on political reform in the Gulf countries which has intensified in recent years. Rather than couching the issue in the more frequently heard terms of authoritarianism vs. democratization, the book focuses on the evolution of Gulf constitutions and on the widening of political participation. It is shown that constitutional reforms have served the purpose of consolidating the absolute power of the rulers, but have also allowed the progressive development of institutions whose representative character and influence on the policy making process has been growing. Political participation has considerably widened, partly thanks to these new or strengthened institutions, but even more so because of the increased access to information and freedom of expression brought about by the ICT revolution. None of the Gulf regimes is democratic, and a long evolution might be necessary before they deserve to be recognized as such. Nevertheless, real change is taking place, and prospects for political reform in the Gulf may be better than in the rest of the Arab world.
During a two-day workshop held in November 2004, the Gulf Research Center (GRC) and the Bertelsmann Foundation of Germany explored the possibility of a greater engagement by the European Union in future Gulf security arrangements. Under the title of “A New Window of Opportunity?: Europe, Gulf Security and the Aftermath of the Iraq War,” over 30 specialists including representatives from all the GCC members states and numerous European Union countries met to discuss the impact of the Iraq War on the current security situation in the region and to outline the steps that can by taken by the EU to alleviate the resulting challenges. The papers from that workshop elaborated upon a number of central themes including the security prerogatives of the Gulf States, the current situation in both Iraq and Iran, the applicability of various security models for the region and the possibility of expanding the GCC-EU political dialogue on security matters. Specific emphasis was given to the notion that the Gulf region could benefit from the European integration process and that by looking at how Europe was able to overcome the historical differences among its member states, the Gulf States themselves could begin to draw necessary lessons and apply them within the region. Both the workshop and the papers stressed the need for a more inclusionary security system in the Gulf whereby all the states can interact more regularly in a systematic manner to discuss security concerns. What is required at this stage is the beginning of a process whereby existing threat perceptions are reduced and confidence-building measures are put into place that can serve as the foundation for a future security architecture. In that context, it is the EU that is particularly well placed to take on the role of honest broker due to the fact that it maintains a regular dialogue with all regional states
Gulf-Europe relations are characterized by a certain dichotomy. While economic ties have been steadily growing and the relationship has taken on a political dimension in the first years of the 21st century, the potential of that relationship has not been fulfilled with the result that there have more obstacles and setbacks than overall advances. The current status of GCC-EU relations thus stands in contrast to the historical, geopolitical and strategic considerations and interdependence that should lie at the heart of the relationship. In order to overcome this dichotomy and in light of current critical regional developments and an increased emphasis on the relationship between the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) States and the member countries of the European Union (EU), the Gulf Research Center (GRC) held a two-day workshop in January 2004 entitled ‘The EU Role in the Gulf region’. The main objective of the event was to shed some analytical light on Europe’s role in the Gulf region in an attempt to understand the existing problem areas and to propose alternative strategies to move the relationship forward. The collection of papers provided for in this volume looks at some of the key facets that play a role in current debates. Starting from a historical perspective, the book contains a Gulf view of the relationship with Europe as well as the factors of the Iraq War of 2003 and US policy and what impact this has had on the overall direction of ties. Ultimately, the tentative conclusion that is reached is that the key to achieving the aspirations of the Gulf and European peoples lies in the political will of both sides to bridge the chasm that has led their mutual ties to stretch and distort from being proactive to reactive, rather than the other way around.
Aware of the crucial importance of the tragic events that occurred on September 11, 2001, the Development Forum convened a special meeting in May 2002 that was devoted to discussing the major political, economic and social ramifications of the events for the GCC States. The six papers delivered at the forum, together with the recommendations propounded, make up the bulk of this book. A notable theme that runs throughout the book has to do with the relation between the September 11 events and the political, economic and cultural conditions in the Gulf region. The book is composed of an introduction followed by ten chapters that comprehensively cover the debates held at the forum. The six papers presented at the forum were as follows: • ‘The Political Impact of 11th September Events on the Gulf Region’ by Dr. Majeed Al-Alawi. • ‘ Political and Cultural Ramifications of 11th September Events for the Arabian Peninsula and the Gulf Regions’ by Dr Khaleel Al-Dakheel. • ‘ Strategic Challenges in the Post-September 11 Events’ by Dr. Ismael Al-Shatti. • ‘ The Gulf Region and the Events of September 11, 2001: A View on the Cultural Dimension’ by Dr. Mohamed Ghanem Ar-Rmihi. • ‘ The Events of September 11 and their Ramifications for the Gulf Region’ by Mr. Khalid Jassem Al-Sa’dun. • ‘ The September 11 Events and their Economic Ramifications for the GCC States’ by Mr. AbdulAziz O. Sager. Participants at the forum strove hard not only to shed light on the various and wide-ranging implications emanating from the events of September 11, but they also put forth a set of recommendations and feasible proposals in a bid to efficiently confront the ramifications of the events in such ways as to secure the interests of the Gulf region and its people
Setting out from a historical-inductive perspective, the book seeks to trace landmark phases in the development of human knowledge by pinpointing its main aspects and highlighting the current boom in the filed of knowledge and the major transformations that have molded it. The author tries to spotlight the outstanding role knowledge assumes in the world today as a lever on which the global balance of power hinges as well as the changes affecting that balance. To be sure, critical changes have unfolded in the aftermath of the Second World War, embodied by the rise of US power at the expense of traditional colonial powers. Within a predictive mindset, the author explores the horizons of the evolution of knowledge and its impact on the different possible tracks along which future clashes might unravel and the way future developments might determine the character and scope of what is known as the electronic war.
Security-wise, the process of exporting oil is rife with complications and hazards. This is especially true today in light of the marked intensification of terrorist acts across the world and the greater ability of terrorists to deal devastating blows to their selected targets. Pipelines carrying oil are spread through vast deserts and giant container ships which sail through tight straits and routes, a fact that exposes them to possible sabotage operations. The book discusses the different types of dangers and threats that loom over the process of transporting oil from fields of extraction and production to ports of export and consumption. The book sets forth the manifold factors that determine the standards adopted and applied to the transportation of oil and natural gas throughout the world. In parallel, the book examines and analyzes the role of radicals and fundamentalists in exasperate fearful concerns over damages against the international economy, a possibility that might have cataclysmic and unprecedented implications for the entire globe.
Engaging Iran is the first comprehensive study of Australian and Canadian economic and political relations with Iran. Based on archival research and extensive interviews with diplomats and policymakers, Robert Bookmiller traces the development of these ties from the 1950s through the present day. This work presents an often overlooked aspect of the West’s interaction with the Islamic Republic as most scholarly and popular attention has focused upon American and European Union approaches. With recent international attention drawn to Iran’s nuclear ambitions, decisions made by the US or the EU have considerable political and economic implications for Canberra and Ottawa. Through his discussion of the bilateral and multilateral contacts between the three states (including a chapter on Iran and the nuclear question), the author provides insights into the complex relationships which, despite pressures from their close allies, has had Australia and Canada assume more nuanced diplomatic and economic policies toward Iran than either the US or EU.